Indian independence in 1947 marked a big, but ultimately only partial break with the colonial past. Caste considerations had inevitably played a role in the mass mobilisations of the nationalist movement. Efforts to organise the “depressed classes” and particularly the untouchable castes predated the nationalist movement, having begun in the second half of the nineteenth century. This was an initiative taken from both ends of the caste spectrum – by upper caste progressive reformers as well as by members of the lower castes such as Mahatma Jotiba Phule and Babasaheb Ambedkar in western India, Ayyankali, Sri Narayana Guru, Iyotheedass and Periyar (E.V. Ramaswamy Naickar) in the South. Both Mahatma Gandhi and Babasaheb Ambedkar began organising protests against untouchability from the 1920s onwards. Anti-untouchability programmes became a significant part of the 40 Congress agenda so that, by the time Independence was on the horizon, there was a broad agreement across the spectrum of the nationalist movement to abolish caste distinctions. The dominant view in the nationalist movement was to treat caste as a social evil and as a colonial ploy to divide Indians. But the nationalist leaders, above all, Mahatma Gandhi, were able to simultaneously work for the upliftment of the lower castes, advocate the abolition of untouchability and other caste restrictions, and, at the same time, reassure the landowning upper castes that their interests, too, would be looked after. |
Which of the following best explains why caste continues to remain significant in democratic politics despite rapid social and economic changes? |
Democratic politics gradually eliminated the influence of caste by encouraging issue-based voting. The emergence of caste-based political parties ensured that elections were decided exclusively on caste identities. Political competition adapted to existing caste identities, making caste an important factor in electoral mobilisation without making electoral outcomes entirely predictable. The decline of caste-based occupations automatically reduced the role of caste in electoral politics. |
Political competition adapted to existing caste identities, making caste an important factor in electoral mobilisation without making electoral outcomes entirely predictable. |
The correct answer is Option 3: Political competition adapted to existing caste identities, making caste an important factor in electoral mobilisation without making electoral outcomes entirely predictable. Option 1: Democratic politics gradually eliminated the influence of caste by encouraging issue-based voting. Incorrect. Democratic politics did not eliminate the influence of caste. The chapter explains that caste has remained central to electoral politics even as the political process became more complex. Option 2: The emergence of caste-based political parties ensured that elections were decided exclusively on caste identities. Incorrect. The word "exclusively" makes the statement incorrect. While caste remained an important factor, electoral outcomes were influenced by multiple factors, and political competition made the situation increasingly difficult to predict. Option 3: Political competition adapted to existing caste identities, making caste an important factor in electoral mobilisation without making electoral outcomes entirely predictable. Correct. This best captures the relationship between caste and democratic politics. Political parties used caste as an electoral strategy, but increasing competition and changing alliances meant that caste alone could not determine election outcomes. Option 4: The decline of caste-based occupations automatically reduced the role of caste in electoral politics. Incorrect. Changes in occupations did not automatically diminish the political importance of caste. In fact, caste continued to remain central to electoral politics despite economic and social transformations. |